Movement classes and feature organization in Hong Kong sign language.

Jazyk: Chinese<br />English
Rok vydání: 2012
Předmět:
Druh dokumentu: Bibliografie
Popis: 動作 (sig) 是手語重要的音系參數之一。 但對於怎樣以音系形式來描述其特性，特別是怎樣把動作分類及賦予其相關的特徵，至今仍未達成一致的觀點。 為了填補這塊空白，此研究透過香港手語 (HKSL) 的語料，特別探討這些動作是否具有對比性、是否受規律支配、以及是否具組織結構。 基於對《香港手語詞典》(Tang 2007) 紀錄的1982個手語詞彙中1473個的觀察，我們留意到不同的動作種類、重複類型和它們同時出現的規律，並提出相關的動作分類和特徵。 在把動作視為一個具有內部結構的整體的前提下 (Brentari 1998)，此研究採用特徵構架 (feature geometry) 的框架 (Clements 1985, Sagey 1986, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1992) 分析動作特徵在結構樹下的不同層次。 我們又提出形式特徵 [重複] ([repeat]) 和 [返回] ([return]) 用來描述手語裏不同類型的“重複動作，它們以非重複、單向重複、雙向重複、局部動作重複、動作返回和顫動的形態出現。 此兩特徵都是動作類別非限定的發語方式，因為它們沒有被限定要出現在特定的動作類別。 雖然如此，它們在複合動作的分佈卻受某些規律支配，這令我們提出以複式領域的概念來解釋：一個外部領域 (DomainM) 包含所有動作類別，另一內部領域 (DomainS) 只包含可作為次動作的動作類別。 最後，本論文將提出把各動作類別組織成一個五層的特徵架構：(一) 動態特徵類 (MOVEMENT FEATURE / MF) 對 內在特徵類 (INHERENT FEATURE / IF)，(二) 離散類 (DISCRETE) 對 連續類 (CONTINUOUS)，(三) 位移類 (TRANSLOCATED) 對 駐留類 (STATIONARY)，(四) 路徑類 (PATH) 對 局部類 (LOCAL)，以及 (五) 手向類 (ORIENTATION) 對 開合類 (APERTURE)。 一個包含複合動作的手語可以分析為好幾個同步的動作類別 (即手語音系的基本單位)。 五個主要音類特徵 [±M]、[±D]、[±T]、[±P] 和 [±O] 被用來交叉分類以上的動作類別，及決定它們的音響層級 (sonority hierarchy)。 我們分析手語為根節點 (root node) 是根據手語同時利用次音段的複雜性 (即類似複音段) 和動態特性 (即類似曲拱音段) 的觀察結果。
Movement (sig) is one of the major phonological parameters in sign phonology. However, there has been a lack of consensus on how to characterize it, in particular, how to organize movement classes and their associated features in a phonological representation. To fill this gap, this thesis attempts to examine whether movements are contrastive, constrained and structurally organized, based on 1473 lexical signs out of the 1982 signs documented in the HKSL dictionary (Tang 2007). The observations on movement types, repetitions, and their co-occurrence patterns motivate our proposal of new movement classes and features. Following the assumption that movement is a phonological category with an internal structure (Brentari 1998), this study adopts the feature geometry framework (Clements 1985, Sagey 1986, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1992) to analyze the relevant movement features and propose how they are organized in a hierarchical fashion. We also invoke the formal features [repeat] and [return] to capture the different realizations of “repetitions in signs, which may take the forms of non-repeated movement, unidirectional repetitions, bidirectional repetitions, repeated local movements, returning movements and trills. We propose that [repeat] and [return] are type-independent manner features because they are not restrictive to a specific movement type. However, the constrained distribution of these features in complex movements suggests a nested domain of occurrence: an outer domain (i.e. DomainM), which includes all movement classes and an inner domain (i.e. DomainS), which includes only a subset of movement classes associated with secondary movement. Finally, this thesis proposes a feature geometry with movement classes organized in a five-level hierarchy: (i) MOVEMENT FEATURE (MF) versus INHERENT FEATURE (IF) class, (ii) DISCRETE versus CONTINUOUS class, (iii) TRANSLOCATED versus STATIONARY class, (iv) PATH versus LOCAL class, and (v) ORIENTATION versus APERTURE class. A sign with complex movements can be analyzed as movement classes (i.e. the basic phonological units of signs) organized simultaneously. Five major class features [±M], [±D], [±T], [±P] and [±O] are proposed to cross-classify these movement classes and determine their sonority hierarchy. The reason why we adopt a sign-as-root-node analysis is due to the observation that signs exhibit both subsegmental complexity (i.e. complex-segment-like) and dynamicity (i.e. contour-segment-like) at the same time.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Mak, Ka Leong.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-300) and indexes.
also in Chinese.
Thesis Committee --- p.i
of thesis entitled --- p.ii
Acknowledgement --- p.iv
Contents --- p.vii
List of figures --- p.xi
List of tables --- p.xvii
Notational conventions --- p.xxii
Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1.1. --- Background --- p.1
Chapter 1.2. --- Movement as a phonological category --- p.2
Chapter 1.3. --- Research questions --- p.8
Chapter 1.3.1. --- Are movements contrastive? --- p.8
Chapter 1.3.2. --- Are movements rule-governed? --- p.10
Chapter 1.3.3. --- Are movements structurally organized? --- p.11
Chapter 1.4. --- Organization of this thesis --- p.14
Chapter Chapter 2. --- Literature review --- p.17
Chapter 2.1. --- Generative phonology: a review --- p.17
Chapter 2.1.1. --- The Sound Pattern of English (SPE) --- p.18
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Autosegmental phonology --- p.19
Chapter 2.1.3. --- Feature geometry --- p.20
Chapter 2.1.3.1. --- Basic premises --- p.21
Chapter 2.1.3.2. --- The Articulator model --- p.24
Chapter 2.1.3.3. --- Double domination --- p.28
Chapter 2.1.3.4. --- Skeleton and major classes --- p.29
Chapter 2.1.4. --- Nature of distinctive features --- p.30
Chapter 2.1.4.1. --- Feature dynamicity --- p.30
Chapter 2.1.4.2. --- Feature binarity --- p.31
Chapter 2.2. --- Movement in sign phonology: a review --- p.34
Chapter 2.2.1. --- Movement and hold as segments (MH model) --- p.35
Chapter 2.2.2. --- Movement and location as segments (HT model) --- p.36
Chapter 2.2.3. --- Movement with mora as handshape-bearing unit (Moraic model) --- p.37
Chapter 2.2.4. --- A “movement-less approach (DP model) --- p.40
Chapter 2.2.5. --- Movement as prosodic feature class node (Prosodic model) --- p.43
Chapter 2.2.6. --- Repeated movement as single-segment (OneSeg model) --- p.48
Chapter 2.2.7. --- Sign phonology models: a summary --- p.49
Chapter 2.3. --- Representing movement in our model --- p.51
Chapter Chapter 3. --- Contrastive movement types and features in HKSL --- p.55
Chapter 3.1. --- Methodology --- p.55
Chapter 3.2. --- Observations on the movement types in HKSL --- p.57
Chapter 3.2.1. --- Simple and complex movements --- p.57
Chapter 3.2.2. --- Distribution of basic movement types in HKSL --- p.58
Chapter 3.2.3. --- Contrastive movement types --- p.59
Chapter 3.3. --- Path movement --- p.62
Chapter 3.3.1. --- Degrees of freedom: traveling motions --- p.64
Chapter 3.3.2. --- Planes of articulation --- p.65
Chapter 3.3.3. --- Orientation --- p.66
Chapter 3.3.3.1. --- Problem: handpart-to-plane representation of orientation --- p.67
Chapter 3.3.3.2. --- Solution: orientation contrast by handpart --- p.68
Chapter 3.3.4. --- Direction and tracing --- p.70
Chapter 3.3.4.1. --- Problem: how to specify tracing direction --- p.72
Chapter 3.3.4.2. --- Solution: the primacy of setting in path --- p.73
Chapter 3.3.5. --- Contrastive path directions --- p.79
Chapter 3.3.6. --- Contrastive path shapes --- p.80
Chapter 3.3.6.1. --- Spherical surfaces in the signing space --- p.82
Chapter 3.3.6.2. --- Arc paths --- p.82
Chapter 3.3.6.3. --- Circular paths --- p.83
Chapter 3.4. --- Local movement --- p.85
Chapter 3.4.1. --- Orientation change --- p.86
Chapter 3.4.1.1. --- Degrees of freedom: rotating motions --- p.87
Chapter 3.4.1.2. --- Contrastive orientation features --- p.88
Chapter 3.4.2. --- Aperture change --- p.90
Chapter 3.4.2.1. --- Degree of freedom: deformation --- p.90
Chapter 3.4.2.2. --- Contrastive aperture features --- p.91
Chapter 3.4.3. --- Path movement versus local movement --- p.94
Chapter 3.4.4. --- Phonetic reduction, enhancement and implementation --- p.97
Chapter 3.5. --- Setting change --- p.100
Chapter 3.5.1. --- Path versus setting change --- p.102
Chapter 3.5.2. --- Change of setting values --- p.104
Chapter 3.5.3. --- Discrete orientation and aperture changes --- p.108
Chapter 3.6. --- Repetitions, returning movements and trills --- p.110
Chapter 3.6.1. --- Observations in HKSL --- p.113
Chapter 3.6.2. --- Full repetitions --- p.116
Chapter 3.6.3. --- Return --- p.117
Chapter 3.6.4. --- Trills --- p.119
Chapter 3.7. --- Summary: proposed movement features --- p.128
Chapter Chapter 4. --- Feature organization of movement in HKSL --- p.129
Chapter 4.1. --- Class nodes and features --- p.129
Chapter 4.1.1. --- Basic assumptions --- p.130
Chapter 4.1.2. --- Root node, IF and MF class nodes --- p.131
Chapter 4.2. --- Co-occurrence patterns of different movement types --- p.132
Chapter 4.2.1. --- Signs with no movement --- p.133
Chapter 4.2.2. --- Co-occurrence pattern and movement type class nodes --- p.136
Chapter 4.2.3. --- PATH-LOCAL distinction and class nodes --- p.138
Chapter 4.3. --- Internal structures of PATH, ORI and APER class nodes --- p.139
Chapter 4.3.1. --- SET and PATH class nodes --- p.140
Chapter 4.3.2. --- ORI and APER class nodes --- p.145
Chapter 4.3.3. --- Summary of PATH, ORI and APER class nodes --- p.149
Chapter 4.4. --- Type-independent manner features --- p.150
Chapter 4.4.1. --- Pattern of repetitions --- p.151
Chapter 4.4.1.1. --- Constraints on repetitions --- p.152
Chapter 4.4.1.2. --- Structural account for the constraints --- p.156
Chapter 4.4.1.3. --- Lexical versus post-lexical constraints --- p.162
Chapter 4.4.2. --- Exceptional movement characteristics --- p.166
Chapter 4.4.2.1. --- Discrete change --- p.166
Chapter 4.4.2.2. --- Temporal misalignment --- p.168
Chapter 4.4.2.3. --- Revised constraints on repetitions --- p.169
Chapter 4.4.3. --- Notion of domination --- p.174
Chapter 4.4.3.1. --- Phonological domain of a feature --- p.175
Chapter 4.4.3.2. --- Nested phonological domain --- p.177
Chapter 4.5. --- Multiple projections of MF class node --- p.180
Chapter 4.5.1. --- DISCRETE and CONTINUOUS class nodes --- p.181
Chapter 4.5.2. --- TRANSLOC and STATIONARY class nodes --- p.187
Chapter 4.5.3. --- Movement major classes --- p.196
Chapter 4.5.4. --- Major classes and maximal signs --- p.203
Chapter 4.6. --- Summary: proposed constraints represented in feature tree --- p.206
Chapter Chapter 5. --- Conclusion and future research --- p.211
Chapter 5.1. --- Answers to the research questions --- p.211
Chapter 5.1.1. --- Movements are categorical and contrastive --- p.211
Chapter 5.1.2. --- Movements are rule-governed and structurally organized --- p.216
Chapter 5.1.3. --- Significance of the current study --- p.222
Chapter 5.1.4. --- Limitations of the current study --- p.225
Chapter 5.2. --- Future research --- p.226
Chapter 5.2.1. --- Cross-linguistic evidence --- p.227
Chapter 5.2.2. --- Empirical evidence --- p.227
Chapter 5.2.3. --- Theory advancement --- p.228
Chapter Appendix A. --- Segmental and syllable structures in sign language --- p.230
Chapter A.1. --- In the search for segment in sign language --- p.230
Chapter A.2. --- In the search for syllable in sign language --- p.232
Chapter A.2.1. --- Syllable structure of sign --- p.233
Chapter A.2.2. --- Classification of sign syllables --- p.235
Chapter A.3. --- In the search for articulatory explanation --- p.242
Chapter Appendix B. --- Phonology-phonetics interface --- p.245
Chapter B.1. --- Levels of representation --- p.245
Chapter B.2. --- Phonetic phenomena in sign language --- p.246
Chapter B.2.1. --- Metathesis of settings --- p.253
Chapter B.2.2. --- Insertion of epenthetic movement --- p.255
Chapter B.2.3. --- Phonetic enhancement and reduction --- p.259
Chapter B.2.4. --- Repetition implementation --- p.268
Chapter B.3. --- Structure, phonology and phonetics --- p.275
Bibliography --- p.287
Index of illustrated signs --- p.301
Index of discussed issues --- p.305
Index of numbered examples --- p.308
Databáze: Networked Digital Library of Theses & Dissertations
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