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Discrimination is invasive and protean. For illustration, in has been found that racial minorities need to get more education than their white counterparts of similar cognitive ability to get a job (Lang & Manove, 2011), candidates with white-sounding names are more likely to receive call-backs than African-American sounding names (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Galarza & Yamada, 2014), attractive employees (either males or females) receive 5% to 10% larger wages than unattractive ones (Cipriani & Zago, 2011; Hamermesh & Biddle, 1994; Harper, 2000; Heilman & Saruwatari, 1979; Marlowe et al., 1996; Ruffle & Shtudiner, 2015; Watkins & Johnston, 2000) and older candidates receive fewer call-backs as soon as they enter in their 40s (Carlsson & Eriksson, 2019). Even hair colour can be a source of discrimination: blondes (resp. red heads) are less (resp. more) likely to be selected in corporate leadership positions (Takeda et al., 2006). Although women now comprise about half of the workforce in WEIRD countries (Pew Research Center, 2017, United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017), there are still important domain-specific gender imbalances such that women have more difficulties to get some kinds of position (Dipboye et al., 1975; Zikmund et al., 1978), and receive lower wages than their males counterparts for a similar jobs (Chiplin & Sloane, 1976; MANCKE, 1971; Mincer & Polachek, 1974, 1978; Sandell & Shapiro, 1978); this discrimination is enhanced for coloured women, for married women and for women with children (Firth, 1982). Such an imbalance puts women at an important social and economic disadvantage, as work provides prestige as well as monetary and social rewards. For illustration, it is acknowledged that women face more challenges to access to the culinary profession and their progression in the field to chef status is significantly slower than males’ progression (Albors-Garrigos et al., 2020). Global social reports have identified how gender inequalities are linked to politics, history, and culture and how these affect the relations between individuals (and more precisely between men and women), their choices, their capabilities and their freedoms (UNDP, 2019). We suspect that these broad social injustices are often not based on conscious targeting of women for worse treatment than for men. On the contrary, our suspicion is that they reflect a nearly implicit bias that permeates a much wider range of social interactions. Gender discrimination (or discrimination in general) reflects social codes that transmit to people how they are supposed to think of themselves and interact with others (social norms). Our study seeks to find evidence of this bias in an apparently innocuous domain: wine consumption and serving. Our research project addresses the following question: do servers in French wine bars discriminate in their serving quantity based on the gender of the customer? More precisely we hypothesize that women, when served a supposedly standardized glass of wine, will in fact receive a significantly smaller quantity of wine than men. |
