The outcome of PIE *-ē̆i̯(C)# and *-ē̆u̯(C)# in Germanic

Autor: Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen
Rok vydání: 2014
Předmět:
Zdroj: Hansen, B S S 2014, ' The outcome of PIE *-ē̆i̯(C)# and *-ē̆u̯(C)# in Germanic ', N O W E L E, vol. 67, no. 2, pp. 149-172 . https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.67.2.02sim
ISSN: 2212-9715
0108-8416
DOI: 10.1075/nowele.67.2.02sim
Popis: By suggesting an interconnected series of soundlaws for the outcome of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) falling e-vowel diphthongs in final syllables in Proto-Germanic (PG) and in the individual Germanic languages, viz. PIE *-ei̯(C)# > PG *-ai(C)#, PIE *-ēi̯(C)# > PG *-ei(C)#, PIE *-eu̯(C)# > PG *-au(C)#, and PIE *-ēu̯(C)# > PG *-eu(C)#, this article renders superfluous the old, prevalent assumption of competing o-grade allomorphs in some of the oblique cases of the PIE i- and u-stems. Consequently, the i-stem gen.sg. is reconstructed only as PIE *-ei̯s (not as †-oi̯s in addition), the u-stem gen.sg. only as *-eu̯s (not as †-ou̯s), the u-stem loc.sg. only as *-ēu̯ (not as †-ōu̯), the u-stem voc.sg. only as *-eu̯ (not as †-ou̯), etc. By suggesting an interconnected series of soundlaws for the outcome of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) falling e-vowel diphthongs in final syllables in Proto-Germanic (PG) and in the individual Germanic languages, viz. PIE *-ei̯(C)# > PG *-ai(C)#, PIE *-ēi̯(C)# > PG *-ei(C)#, PIE *-eu̯(C)# > PG *-au(C)#, and PIE *-ēu̯(C)# > PG *-eu(C)#, this article renders superfluous the old, prevalent assumption of competing o-grade allomorphs in some of the oblique cases of the PIE i- and u-stems. Consequently, the i-stem gen.sg. is reconstructed only as PIE *-ei̯s (not as †-ois in addition), the u-stem gen.sg. only as *-eu̯s (not as †-ou̯s), the u-stem loc.sg. only as *-ēu̯ (not as †-ōu̯), the u-stem voc.sg. only as *-eu̯ (not as †-ou̯), etc.
Databáze: OpenAIRE