Origins of weak crossover: when dynamic semantics meets event semantics
| Autor: | Gennaro Chierchia |
|---|---|
| Rok vydání: | 2019 |
| Předmět: |
050101 languages & linguistics
Linguistics and Language Pronoun Unary operation Computer science Semantics (computer science) Anaphora (linguistics) 05 social sciences 06 humanities and the arts 0603 philosophy ethics and religion Linguistics Syntax (logic) Philosophy of language Antecedent (grammar) Philosophy If and only if 060302 philosophy 0501 psychology and cognitive sciences |
| Zdroj: | Natural Language Semantics. 28:23-76 |
| ISSN: | 1572-865X 0925-854X |
| DOI: | 10.1007/s11050-019-09158-3 |
| Popis: | Approaches to anaphora generally seek to explain the potential for a DP to covary with a pronoun in terms of a combination of factors, such as (i) the inherent semantics of the antecedent DP (i.e., whether it is indefinite, quantificational, referential), (ii) its scope properties, and (iii) its structural position. A case in point is Reinhart’s classic condition on bound anaphora, paraphrasable as A DP can antecede a pronoun pro only if the DP c-commands pro at S-structure, supplemented with some extra machinery to allow indefinites to covary with pronouns beyond their c-command domains. In the present paper, I explore a different take. I propose that anaphora is governed not by DPs and their properties; it is governed by predicates (i.e., in the unary case, objects of type ) and their properties. To use a metaphor from dynamic semantics: discourse referents can only be ‘activated’ by predicates, never by DPs (Dynamic Predication Principle). This conceptually simple assumption is shown to have far-reaching consequences. For one, it yields a new take on weak crossover, arguably worthy of consideration. Moreover, it leads to a further general “restatement of the anaphora question”, in Reinhart’s (Linguist Philos 6: 47–88, 1983) words. |
| Databáze: | OpenAIRE |
| Externí odkaz: |
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