| Popis: |
This paper examines the distribution of the copular verb shi before wh-remnants in the Sluicing construction of Chinese and explores its implications on the analysis of the construction. Following the lead of Wei (2004), we first compare and contrast the Sluicing construction with other related Cleft and Pseudocleft constructions in regard to the distribution of shi. We note that shi is obligatory before "bare" wh-remnants, but optional before "complex" wh-remnants in Sluicing constructions; however, its distribution in the Cleft and Pseudocleft constructions is realized in the different way from that in the Sluicing construction. Focusing on the distribution of shi in the latter construction, we argue that the subject of the "sluiced" clause in fact involves clausal structure, and that whether the null operator moved inside this covert subject clause enters into equative relation with the wh-remnant is a determining factor in licensing the occurrence of shi as an equation marker. Meanwhile we propose following/extending Chomsky (1992) that the focus of question is usually a wh-phrase, but in covert syntax or the structure involving ellipsis it can also be a wh-word inside the wh-phrase. |
