Autor: |
null 박종언, null Myung-Kwan Park, null Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew |
Rok vydání: |
2019 |
Předmět: |
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Zdroj: |
Linguistic Research. 36:141-181 |
ISSN: |
1229-1374 |
DOI: |
10.17250/khisli.36.2.201906.001 |
Popis: |
We claim that across-the-board (ATB) and right node raising (RNR) constructions in English should be analyzed in a uniform way, but neither of them can be on a par with parasitic gap (PG) constructions. To support this claim, we demonstrate that only the former two can license additive coordination (AC) and interwoven dependency (ID). We then offer a novel derivational analysis of the (un)availability of AC and ID in the three constructions. Specifically, we propose that cross-clausal conjunction via External Remerge (ER) constructs parallel coordinate structure in ATB and RNR while illegitimate linear ordering in the resulting multidominance structure is constrained by PF constraints; by contrast, ER does not yield the same kind of coordinate structure for PGs since subordination is required for the PG construction. (Dongguk University·Sogang University) |
Databáze: |
OpenAIRE |
Externí odkaz: |
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