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Theories concerning the structure of cities in the developing world have only recently been formulated, and many of these theories are broad generalizations which may not necessarily be applicable in individual countries. The evolution of social patterns in Iranian cities is briefly examined and the dimensions of Iran's city system are analysed using multivariate techniques. It is postulated that the cities may be affected by social, economic and demographic changes operating at all levels in the urban hierarchy and that their varied internal response to change may be related to the major dimensions of social difference between them. The various processes influencing the contemporary social patterns in cities are analysed. The evidence suggests that social polarization in cities is now very marked, the dual centres in several of the largest being an extreme form of this continuing trend. Three cities, Aran/Bidgol, Kashan and Kermanshah ranging in size from 23 265 to 187 930 and having different scores in the factor analysis, are evaluated in the light of these processes to show the similarities and contrasts in their social patterns. Many of the generalizations postulated by several authors concerning density gradients and residential areas of different income groups are not applicable to Iran. THE emergence of a body of theory dealing with urbanization and the growth and structure of cities in the non-Western world has been evident only within the past decade. Several reasons help to account for this late development. Large-scale urbanization in the nonWestern world has only occurred in the present century, statistical data are scarce and poor in quality until after the Second World War, and it has been found that Western-based theories of urbanization are often inapplicable in the entirely new situations developing in the non-Western world. Even today generalizations about the social and economic structure of non-Western cities tend to be based on limited empirical studies, such as that of the bazaar by W. Fogg (I932). There are, however, some studies that have placed individual cities in a wider regional and historical context (T. G. McGee, 1966). Following work on social variations in British towns (C. A. Moser and W. Scott, 1961), the Indian and Nigerian city systems, for example, have been shown by Q. Ahmed (1965) and A. Mabogunje (1968) to have modern colonial networks intermixed with well-established indigenous urban areas but, despite the great variety of city types in terms of their origin, morphology, size, function, population and employment structures, the cities are shown to be parts of a coherent system. In the studies of India and Nigeria the pre-colonial indigenous cities were grouped into regional systems. These, together with recent additions, are now being moulded by the economic demands and transport systems of the modern state into one system within fixed political boundaries. The individual city in such a system has been examined in numerous case studies (G. Breese, 1966), but social patterns within the non |
