| Popis: |
In many languages there is a special negation strategy to indicate that an action has not been accomplished or that a state has not been attained. For instance, in Indonesian, verbal predications are negated by the particle tiada (or tidak), cf (1a). Nominal predications, are negated by the particle bukan, cf. (1c). When the speaker intends to communicate that an action has not been carried out yet, cf. (1b), or a particular state has not been reached yet, cf. (1d), the word belum ‘not yet’ is used in verbal and in nominal predications. The perfect marker sudahcannot be combined with belum or tidak, cf. Sneddon (1996: 202). Expressions like belum are typically dubbed in grammars as special negators that differ from the standard negator (SN). They are sporadically mentioned in the comparative literature on negation cf. (Payne 1985, Miestamo 2005).Van der Auwera (1998) analyzes ‘not yet’ expressions in the languages of Europe as continuative negatives and suggests the label nondum for them; it is adopted here too. However, a systematic cross-linguistic study of their distribution does not yet exist. My goals with this work are to obtain a better understanding about their cross-linguistic frequency as well as about their functions and status in the grammar and lexicon of their respective languages. In my sample of 100 unrelated languages, nondum expressions occur in most areas of the world, but are notably absent in Europe in the form of single, bound or semi-bound, grammaticalized negative temporal markers. My sources are grammars and parallel texts. The available data allow for the following generalizations: (i) Nondum expressions can be encoded as affixes cf. (2) and (3) or as particles, cf (1b, 1d); (ii) they can be either univerbations between SN and another word or completely unsegmentable morphemes. (iii) They typically indicate the non-occurrence of an expected action or state but also an anticipation about its imminent realization. Thus they appear to belong to both the temporal and the negative domain; however, as Contini-Morava (1989: 138), notes the negation they indicate is of limited duration. Their cross-linguistic frequency together with their functional similarities in a number of unrelated languages are evidence that nondum expressions should be considered a separate gram. Furthermore, gaining a better knowledge about them also contributes to a deeper understanding of the semantic-pragmatic asymmetry between the tense-aspect systems of the affirmative and the negative domain. |
