| Abstrakt: |
In languages with an article such as in English, anaphoric definiteness is expressed by an article. However, in an article-less language like Korean, demonstratives indicate anaphoric definiteness. Although there are substantial number of studies on the semantics or pragmatics of anaphoric demonstratives, a syntactic analysis of demonstrative as anaphoric definite is scarce. This paper addresses the syntax of demonstrative ku in Korean as anaphoric definite by situating it in a cross-linguistic context. It is shown that ku is obligatory to indicate anaphoric definite and it does not indicate unique definite, similar to a strong article in German. This paper proposes that the syntactic role of demonstrative ku is to make a DP referentially visible by occupying the spec-DP position. Under this view, ku is similar to an article in Italian or nP in Icelandic that has to be present for a referential DP, either on D or in Spec-DP respectively. An interesting consequence is that the proposed syntax of ku can be implemented to account for a special interaction between number and anaphoric definite, which has been observed in a wide range of languages. In Korean, for example, plural -tul is obligatory in an anaphoric context in contrast to an indefinite context. This paper proposes that in an anaphoric context licensed by ku, plural -tul is a realization of grammatical number such as Num head with binary features [±plural] that value uninterpretable number feature on D [uNum]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] |
